حاتم بشر

مترجم، درس الجغرافيا ونظم المعلومات في جامعة الاسكندرية.

  • 1عبارة تشير إلى تخصيص الإنفاق الحكومي للمشاريع المحلية المضمونة أو إلى الإنفاق الذي يهدف إلى إفادة الناخبين مقابل دعمهم السياسي.
  • 2Monica Potts and Jean Yi, “Why Twitter Is Unlikely To Become The ‘Digital Town Square’ Elon Musk Envisions,” Five Thirty Eight, April 29, 2022.
  • 3Haythem Guesmi, “The social media myth about the Arab Spring,” Al Jazeera, January 27, 2021.
  • 4William Dalrymple, “On the Lessons of the East India Company,” The Financial Times, August 30, 2019.
  • 5Mike Hynes, “The Digital Behemoths”, The Social, Cultural and Environmental Costs of Hyper-Connectivity: Sleeping Through the Revolution, Emerald Publishing Limited (2022), pp. 19-37.
  • 6Paul Starr, “How Neoliberal Policy Shaped the Internet—and What to Do About It Now,” The American Prospect, October 2, 2019.
  • 7Kevin Roose, Mike Isaac and Sheera Frenkel, “Facebook Struggles to Balance Civility and Growth,” The New York Times, November 24, 2020.
  • 8Nick Couldry and Ulises A. Mejias, “Data Colonialism: Rethinking Big Data’s Relation to the Contemporary Subject,” Television & New Media 20/4 (2018), pp. 336–349.
  • 9Julia Carrie Wong, “How Facebook let fake engagement distort global politics: a whistleblower’s account,” The Guardian, April 12, 2021.
  • 10Nico Grant, “Google Employee Who Played Key Role in Protest of Contract With Israel Quits,” The New York Times, August 30, 2022.
  • 11تساهم الفوائد المفروضة على القروض في تغذية موارد صندوق النقد الدولي.
  • 12لا تنطبق الرسوم الإضافية إلا على القروض الممنوحة من حساب الموارد العامة لصندوق النقد الدولي، وليس على القروض الميسّرة (بأسعار فائدة أقل للبلدان التي تواجه صعوبات).
  • 13إن تكلفة الاقتراض لا تشمل ما تبقى من القرض (أي أساس القرض). إنها تغطي الفوائد والرسوم الإضافية وما شابه ذلك.
  • 14United Nations General Assembly, External debt sustainability and development, Note by the Secretary-General, 25 July 2023.
  • 15Francisco Amsler, Michael Galant, op.cit.
  • 16لا تُستثنى مصر التي تمر بأزمة مديونية من تلك القاعدة، حيث يتعين عليها دفع نحو 1.3 مليار دولار كرسومٍ إضافية في خلال السنوات العشر المقبلة أي ما يعادل 10 ميزانيات تعليمية سنوية من مستوى ميزانية 2021/2022.
  • 17Francisco Amsler, Michael Galant, op.cit.
  • 18Brendan O’Leary, “The Elements of Right-Sizing and Right-Peopling the State,” in Right-Sizing the State: The Politics of Moving Borders, edited by Brendan O’Leary, Ian Lustick, and Tom Callaghy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 15–73; Brendan O’Leary, “Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places,” in Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places, edited by Joanne McEvoy and Brendan O’Leary (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 1–64.
  • 19Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977); O’Leary, “Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places”; Allison McCulloch and John McGarry, eds, Power-Sharing: Empirical and Normative Challenges (London: Routledge, 2017).
  • 20John McGarry, “Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance,” Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 4 (2019): 538–55, 548.
  • 21يرى مكغاري في لبنان حالة «تنافس طائفي» أو «جماعات عرقية لا تطالب بتقرير مصيرها»: McGarry, “Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance” (549, fn 18).
  • 22McGarry, “Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance.”
  • 23Andreas Wimmer, “Who Owns the State? Understanding Ethnic Conflict in Post-Colonial Societies,” Nationalism and Nationalism 3, no. 4 (1997): 631–65, 648.
  • 24Sebastián Mazzuca, Latecomer State Formation: Political Geography and Capacity Failure in Latin America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2021); James Mahoney, “Agency and Nation-State Making in Latin American History,” Latin American Research Review 2022 (2022): 1–13. doi:10.1017/lar.2022.81.
  • 25Ludger Helms, Marcelo Jenny and David M. Willumsen, “Alpine Troubles: Trajectories of De-Consociationalisation in Austria and Switzerland Compared,” Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 4 (2019): 381–407; Sean Mueller, “The Politics of Compromise: Institutions and Actors of Power-Sharing in Switzerland,” in Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases, and Future Directions, edited by Soeren Keil and Allison McCulloch (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 67–87; Adrian Vatter, Rahel Freiburghaus, and Alexander Arens, “Coming a Long Way: Switzerland’s Transformation from a Majoritarian to a Consensus Democracy (1848–2018),” Democratization 27, no. 6 (2020): 970–89.
  • 26Brendan O’Leary, “Consociation in the Present,” Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 4 (2019): 556–74, 568.
  • 27Rudy B. Andeweg, “Consociationalism in the Low Countries: Comparing the Dutch and Belgian Experience,” Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 4 (2019): 408–425; Mueller, “The Politics of Compromise.”
  • 28Andeweg, “Consociationalism in the Low Countries,” 411.
  • 29Matthijs Bogaards, “Consociationalism in the Netherlands: Polder Politics and Pillar Talk,” in Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases, and Future Directions, edited by Soeren Keil and Allison McCulloch (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 19–42.
  • 30Andeweg, “Consociationalism in the Low Countries.”
  • 31Mueller, “The Politics of Compromise,” 68.
  • 32المرجع نفسه.
  • 33Pinar Bilgin and Adam David Morton, “Historicising Representations of ‘Failed States’: Beyond the Cold-War Annexation of the Social Sciences?” Third World Quarterly 23, no. 1 (2002): 55–80, 70.
  • 34Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 12.
  • 35Tuong Vu, “Studying the State through State Formation,” World Politics 62, no. 1 (2010): 148–75, 168.
  • 36Mahoney, “Agency and Nation-State Making in Latin American History,” 13.
  • 37Rogers Brubaker, “Ethnicity without Groups,” Archives européennes de sociologie XLIII, no. 2 (2002): 163–89, 164.
  • 38Mahoney, “Agency and Nation-State Making in Latin American History.”
  • 39Kathleen Thelen, “Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics,” Annual Review of Political Science 2 (1999): 369–404.
  • 40Vu, “Studying the State through State Formation.”
  • 41Mark Farha, Lebanon: The Rise and Fall of a Secular State under Siege (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 89.
  • 42Andreas Wimmer, Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Others Fall Apart(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018), 8.
  • 43Wimmer, Nation Building.
  • 44Wimmer, “Who Owns the State?”
  • 45Wimmer, Nation Building, 52.
  • 46المرجع نفسه، ص. 52.
  • 47Farha, Lebanon, 46–94.
  • 48Michael C. Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Political Modernization in Lebanon. Westview Encore Edition (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985); Max Weiss, In the Shadow of Sectarianism: Law, Shi‘ism, and the Making of Modern Lebanon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
  • 49Farha, Lebanon, 92.
  • 50Maya Mikdashi, Sextarianism: Sovereignty, Secularism, and the State in Lebanon (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2022).
  • 51عزمي بشارة، «في تواتر الديمقراطية التوافقية وملاءمتها للصراعات الطائفية: نموذجا إيرلندا ولبنان»، سياسات عربية، 30 (2018): 7-23؛ Toby Dodge, “Iraq’s Informal Consociationalism and its Problems,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 20, no. 2 (2020): 145–52; Caroline Hartzell and Matthew Hoddie, “Power Sharing and the Rule of Law in the Aftermath of Civil War,” International Studies Quarterly 63 (2019): 641–53; John Hulsey and Soeren Keil, “Power-Sharing and Party Politics in the Western Balkans,” in Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases, and Future Directions, edited by Soeren Keil and Allison McCulloch (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 115–39; Allison McCulloch, “Introduction: Power-Sharing in Europe: From Adoptability to End-Ability,” in Power-Sharing in Europe: Past Practice, Present Cases, and Future Directions, edited by Soeren Keil and Allison McCulloch (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 1–18; John Nagle, “Consociationalism Is Dead! Long Live Zombie Power‐Sharing!” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 20, no. 2 (2020): 137–44; Bassel F. Salloukh, “Taif and the Lebanese State: The Political Economy of a Very Sectarian Public Sector,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 25, no. 1 (2019): 43–60; Timothy D. Sisk and Christoph Stefes, “Power Sharing as an Interim Step in Peace Building: Lessons from South Africa,” in Sustainable Peace: Power and Democracy After Civil Wars, edited by Philip Roeder and Donald Rothchild (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), 293–317.
  • 52Philip Roeder and Donald Rothchild, “Power Sharing as an Impediment to Peace and Democracy,” in Sustainable Peace: Power and Democracy After Civil Wars, edited by Philip Roeder and Donald Rothchild (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), 29–50; Bishara, “Fi Tatawur al-Dimuqratiya al-Tawafuqiya wa Mula’amatiha Lihal al-Sira‘at al-Ta’ifiya.”
  • 53Florian Bieber, “The Balkans: The Promotion of Power Sharing by Outsiders,” in Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places, edited by Joanne McEvoy and Brendan O’Leary (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 312–26.
  • 54Allison McCulloch, “Consociational Settlements in Deeply Divided Societies: The Liberal-Corporate Distinction,” Democratization 21, no. 3 (2014): 501–18, 513.
  • 55O’Leary “Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places,” 6.
  • 56المرجع نفسه، ص.6.
  • 57O’Leary, “The Elements of Right-Sizing and Right-Peopling the State,” 22.
  • 58Joel S. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State–Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Philipp Lottholz and Nicolas Lemay-Hébert, “Re-Reading Weber, Re-Conceptualizing State-Building: From Neo-Weberian to Post-Weberian Approaches to State, Legitimacy and State-Building,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 29, no. 4 (2016): 1467–85.
  • 59McGarry, “Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance,” 551.
  • 60المرجع نفسه.
  • 61Toby Dodge, “The Failure of Peacebuilding in Iraq: The Role of Consociationalism and Political Settlements,” Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 15, no. 4 (2020): 1–17, 13; Toby Dodge, “Iraq, Consociationalism and the Incoherence of the State,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023).
  • 62Azmi Bishara, Sectarianism without Sects (London: C. Hurst & C, 2021); وجيه كوثراني، الاتجاهات الاجتماعية والسياسية في جبل لبنان والمشرق العربي: من المتصرفية العثمانية إلى دولة لبنان الكبير (بيروت: منشورات بحصون الثقافية، 1986)؛ Ussama Makdisi, Age of Coexistence: The Ecumenical Frame and the Making of the Modern Arab World(Oakland: University of California Press, 2019); Elizabeth F. Thompson, How the West Stole Democracy from the Arabs: The Arab Congress of 1920, the Destruction of the Syrian State, and the Rise of Anti-Liberal Islamism (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2020).
  • 63Albert Hourani, “Lebanon: The Development of a Political Society,” in Politics in Lebanon,edited by Leonard Binder (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1966), 13–29, 22.
  • 64Iliya F. Harik, Politics and Change in a Traditional Society: Lebanon, 1711–1845 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 272; Ussama Makdisi, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).
  • 65Carol Hakim, The Origins of the Lebanese Idea: 1840–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), 52.
  • 66Makdisi, Age of Coexistence.
  • 67Hakim, The Origins of the Lebanese Idea; وجيه كوثراني، الاتجاهات الاجتماعية والسياسية في جبل لبنان والمشرق العربي: من المتصرفية العثمانية إلى دولة لبنان الكبير (بيروت: منشورات بحصون الثقافية، 1986)؛ Makdisi, Age of Coexistence.
  • 68Hakim, The Origins of the Lebanese Idea, 260.
  • 69Brubaker, “Ethnicity without Groups”; Bishara, Sectarianism without Sects.
  • 70مهدي عامل، في الدولة الطائفية (بيروت: دار الفرابي، 1988).
  • 71Meir Zamir, Lebanon’s Quest: The Road to Statehood 1926–1939 (London: I.B. Tauris, 1997), 245.
  • 72المرجع نفسه.
  • 73المرجع نفسه.
  • 74Makdisi, Age of Coexistence, 131.
  • 75Brubaker, “Ethnicity without Groups.”
  • 76Zamir, Lebanon’s Quest, 244.
  • 77Albert Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 175.
  • 78Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East, 171.
  • 79Michelle Hartman and Alessandro Olsaretti, “‘The First Boat and the First Oar’: Inventions of Lebanon in the Writings of Michel Chiha,” Radical History Review 86 (Spring, 2003): 37–65; Makdisi, Age of Coexistence; فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل: ميشال شيحا والأيديولوجيا اللبنانية (بيروت: رياض الريس للكتب والنشر، 1999).
  • 80ميشال شيحا، لبنان اليوم (بيروت: دار النهار للنشر ومؤسسة شيحا، 1994) 68 و75.
  • 81فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 203 و213.
  • 82Hartman and Olsaretti, “The First Boat and the First Oar.”
  • 83Carolyn L. Gates, The Merchant Republic of Lebanon: Rise of an Open Economy (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies & I.B. Tauris, 1998).
  • 84فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 179.
  • 85Hartman and Olsaretti, “The First Boat and the First Oar,” 56.
  • 86ميشال شيحا، لبنان اليوم، 68.
  • 87المرجع نفسه، ص. 73.
  • 88فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 201-4.
  • 89ميشال شيحا، لبنان اليوم، 20.
  • 90فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 210-3.
  • 91Farha, Lebanon, 148.
  • 92المرجع نفسه، 150؛ فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 24.
  • 93Makdisi, Age of Coexistence, 134–13; Meir Zamir, The Formation of Modern Lebanon (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 207–9.
  • 94فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 201.
  • 95شفيق جحا، الدستور اللبناني: تاريخه، تعديلاته، نصه الحالي، 1926-1991 (بيروت: دار العلم للملايين، 1991)، 39.
  • 96إدمون رباط، التقويم التاريخي للبنان السياسي والدستوري، المجلّد الثاني، (بيروت: منشورات الجامعة اللبنانية، 2002)، 162.
  • 97شفيق جحا، الدستور اللبناني, 95؛ Makdisi, Age of Coexistence, 136–7.
  • 98Makdisi, Age of Coexistence, 138; Zamir, The Formation of Modern Lebanon, 212.
  • 99رباط، التقويم التاريخي للبنان السياسي والدستوري، 868.
  • 100المرجع نفسه، 673.
  • 101Weiss, In the Shadow of Sectarianism, 110.
  • 102رباط، التقويم التاريخي للبنان السياسي والدستوري.
  • 103المرجع نفسه، 181.
  • 104المرجع نفسه، 194.
  • 105المرجع نفسه، 215.
  • 106Rudy B. Andeweg, “Consociational Democracy,” Annual Review of Political Science 3 (2000): 509–36.
  • 107جان ملحة، الوزارات اللبنانية وبياناتها: 1943-1994، (بيروت: مكتبة لبنان، 1995)، 17.
  • 108Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East, 171.
  • 109Hartman and Olsaretti, “The First Boat and the First Oar.”
  • 110فواز طرابلسي، صلات بلا وصل، 191.
  • 111المرجع نفسه، 210-3.
  • 112نقولا ناصيف، جمهورية فؤاد شهاب، (بيروت: دار النهار، 2008).
  • 113Michael C. Hudson, “The Problem of Authoritative Power in Lebanese Politics: Why Consociationalism Failed,” in Lebanon: A History of Conflict and Consensus, edited by Nadim Shehadi and Dana Haffar Mills (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies & I.B. Tauris, 1988), 224–39, 237.
  • 114المرجع نفسه، 237.
  • 115كمال حمدان، الأزمة اللبنانية: الطوائف، الطبقات الاجتماعية والهوية الوطنية، (بيروت: دار الفرابي، 1998)، 250-2.
  • 116Hudson, “The Problem of Authoritative Power in Lebanese Politics.”
  • 117Matthijs Bogaards, “Formal and Informal Consociational Institutions: A Comparison of the National Pact and the Taif Agreement in Lebanon,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 25, no. 1 (2019): 27–42.
  • 118جحا، الدستور اللبناني، 34.
  • 119Reinoud Leenders, Spoils of Truce: Corruption and State-building in Postwar Lebanon (New York: Cornell University Press, 2012); Salloukh, “Taif and the Lebanese State”; World Bank, “Lebanon - Promoting Poverty Reduction and Shared Prosperity: Systematic Country Diagnostic,”.
  • 120Leenders, Spoils of Truce, 232.
  • 121McGarry, “Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance,” 552.
  • 122Bassel F. Salloukh, Rabie Barakat, Jinan S. Al-Habbal, Lara W. Khattab, and Shoghig Mikaelian, The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon (London: Pluto Press, 2015).
  • 123Ibrahim Halawi and Bassel F. Salloukh, “Pessimism of the Intellect, Optimism of the Will after the 17 October Protests in Lebanon,” Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 3 (2020): 322–34.
  • 124كمال هاني، اليسار اللبناني في زمن التحولات العاصفة: الحزب الشيوعي: تفاقم للأزمة أم انفتاح على التغيير. (بيروت: دار الفرابي، 2015).
  • 125كمال حمدان، الأزمة اللبنانية، 136؛ Fawwaz Traboulsi, A History of Modern Lebanon (London: Pluto Press, 2007); فواز طرابلسي، الطبقات الاجتماعية في لبنان: إثبات وجود٫ (بيروت: هينريش بول، 2014).
  • 126Hannes Baumann, “Social Protest and the Political Economy of Sectarianism in Lebanon,” Global Discourse 6, no. 4 (2016): 634–49; Salloukh, “Taif and the Lebanese State.”
  • 127Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 133–69.
  • 128Salloukh, “Taif and the Lebanese State,” 46.
  • 129106% من دخل الدولة للرواتب والأجور وخدمة الدين٫ المجلّة الشهرية30٫ كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2019.
  • 130Baumann, “Social Protest and the Political Economy of Sectarianism in Lebanon”; Salloukh, The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon.
  • 131Janine Clark and Bassel F. Salloukh, “Elite Strategies, Civil Society, and Sectarian Identities in Postwar Lebanon,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (November 2013): 731–49; Carmen Geha, “Co-optation, Counter-Narratives, and Repression: Protesting Lebanon’s Sectarian Power-Sharing Regime,” Middle East Journal 73, no. 1 (2019): 9–28.
  • 132Melani Cammett, Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014); Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr, Shi’ite Lebanon: Transnational Religion and the Making of National Identities (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008).
  • 133Simon Mabon, “Four Questions about De-sectarianization,” The Review of Faith & International Affairs 18, no. 1 (2020): 1–11, 3.
  • 134John Nagle, “Social Theory: Michel Foucault,” SEPAD Interventions, 2022. https://www.sepad.org.uk/announcement/social-theory-michel-foucault.
  • 135Ibrahim Halawi, “Consociational Power‐Sharing in the Arab World as Counter‐Revolution,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 20, no. 2 (2020): 128–36.
  • 136Nagle, “Consociationalism is Dead!”
  • 137Charbel Nahas, An Economy and a State for Lebanon (Beirut: Riad El-Rayyes Books, 2020).
  • 138Lisa Anderson, “‘Creative Destruction’: States, Identities and Legitimacy in the Arab World,” Philosophy and Social Criticism 40, no. 4–5 (2014): 369–79.